Wednesday, April 20, 2016

Subprime lenders are asking Colorado lawmakers for more profits-again

Second verse, same as the first…


Colorado's largest subprime lender is back at the General Assembly, asking lawmakers once again if it can alter its lending structure in order to gain more profits on loans made to consumers who have poor to fair credit ratings.


But this time the legislation, Senate Bill 16-185, could increase borrowing costs for a broader segment of consumers, to include anyone who gets an auto loan financed by an auto dealer or for someone just buying furniture with a store credit account.


The biggest player in the subprime lender market is One Main, formerly known as Springleaf Financial. Springleaf merged with One Main last November, a move cheered by Wall Street, which rewarded the merger with a near 16-percent boost in the company's stock price.


One Main is owned by Fortress Investment Group, a Wall Street hedge fund that includes several former directors of Goldman Sachs.


These kinds of subprime lenders make loans to people who have poor to fair credit ratings. These are different from payday loans, though, which are limited to $500 and must be repaid in six months or less, but with annual percentage rates (APR) that can reach 200 percent or higher.


For a subprime loan, according to One Main's website, a consumer can borrow up to $25,000. Finance charges range from 15 percent to 36 percent, and allow repaying plans of up to five years.


It's the second time around for late-in-the-game legislation that would change the structure of subprime loans in Colorado. Last year's bill, House Bill 15-1390, was introduced with just six days left in the legislative session. It sailed through the House in just three days with only two Democrats voting against it.


The measure didn't slow down once it hit the Senate, although by then consumer rights groups had begun to marshal opposition. In the Senate, two Democrats joined with the upper chamber's 18 Republicans to approve the bill, and off it went to the governor's desk.


And there it hit its biggest roadblock.


Democratic Gov. John Hickenlooper vetoed the bill almost a month later, after heavy lobbying from consumer groups. In his veto letter to lawmakers, he cited testimony from the Attorney General's office, which said that nothing in their analysis indicated “this type of consumer credit is not available or that changing the rates would make it more available.” He also cited the rush to get the measure through the legislature by the bill's sponsors, which the governor pointed out gave “interested parties little time” to review the bill.


Under last year's bill, a subprime lender could loan someone up to $3,000 with a maximum finance charge of 36 percent. A loan of between $3,000 and $5,000 would accrue a 21 percent finance change, and a loan of more than $5,000 would be charged 15 percent.


The finance charges also could be “blended,” which means that the first $3,000 of the loan would be charged that 36 percent; the next $2,000 would be charged the 21 percent, and anything over $5,000 would be charged 15 percent.


This year's bill says that the amount financed can be adjusted for inflation, with that adjustment taking into account inflation dating back to 2000. The amount loaned can then be adjusted annually for inflation thereafter.


Confused? You should be.


So how would the law, should it pass, affect those who borrow from subprime lenders?


According to Rich Jones of the left-leaning Bell Policy Center, the bill would raise the cost of borrowing to Colorado consumers to the tune of about $9.5 million, “for no justifiable reason.”


Jones cites as an example a $5,000 loan paid over 36 months. Under the bill, the finance cost would increase from $2,098 to $2,338, a 26.9 percent hike.


But One Main has other ways of making money on its loans, Jones said: through another arm of the company that sells expensive credit insurance.


Jovan Melton, a Denver Democrat in the House, carried last year's bill and is the lower chamber's sponsor of this year's Senate comeback bill. He said the number of subprime lenders in Colorado has dropped from eight to one. That would be One Main, although mergers are responsible for some of that decrease. But the state went from about $1 billion in loans through subprime lenders to around $200 million in the last decade, and the number of loans have dropped by half, he said.


“We're seeing a decrease in the number of loans because there are fewer providers,” Melton told The Colorado Independent. “We'd like to see more options instead of payday lenders and pawn shops…[subprime lenders] may be profitable nationwide but they aren't profitable in Colorado.”


One Main's Phil Hitz told the Senate Finance Committee Tuesday that 24 branches of One Main and Springleaf have closed in Colorado in the last few years. Yes, changing the law will cost the consumer more money, Hitz admitted. “Quite frankly, it cost us more money to do business in this state.” And yes, the company is profitable, Hitz said, which is why investors put money into it.


”But why should the rest of the country subsidize what goes on in Colorado?” he asked.


Bell Policy's Jones has a reply: it's because Colorado has strong lending laws that protect consumers.


And then there's the issue of how the bill would affect those who make large purchases on credit from retailers. Julie Mead, a deputy attorney general and Administrator of the Uniform Consumer Credit Code in the AG's office, testified that the statute being changed also applies to any consumer credit tied to retail sales, such as cars, electronics or furniture. The Colorado Office of the Attorney General is neutral on the bill.


Boulder Rep. KC Becker was one of the two House Democrats who voted against the 2015 version. This year's bill doesn't appear to be any better, she indicated Wednesday.


Becker said last year's bill concerned her because it lacked an appropriate balance between lenders and consumers. “There wasn't enough consumer protection in it,” she said.


As for this year's bill, Becker said she's willing to listen to the proponents.


But, she says: “we still have to make sure there are adequate consumer protections and that it isn't predatory.”


 


[Photo credit: Butz.2013 via Creative Commons on Flickr]

Darryl Glenn and Jack Graham are first on Colorado's GOP US Senate ballot

 


The GOP race to face Democrat Michael Bennet for his seat in the U.S. Senate is shaping up- if slowly. The big Republican primary now has two frontrunners who snagged a coveted spot on the June ballot in two very different ways.


The first candidate is Darryl Glenn, a retired Air Force veteran, lawyer, and current El Paso County Commissioner, who stunned political observers when he shut out his six rivals at the April 9 Republican state convention. Glenn won 70 percent of the vote from the nearly 4,000 Republican activists who cast ballots for him during the convention. He only needed 30 percent to get out of the convention, but because he took so many votes he bumped out every other candidate who was running through that process.


Related: Darryl Glenn's surprise win shocked everyone but Darryl Glenn


The second candidate to make it on the ballot is Jack Graham, a former quarterback for the Rams who was the athletic director for Colorado State University. Graham did so a different way. He petitioned on by gathering 1,500 signatures from Republicans in all seven congressional districts.


Today, the Secretary of State's office said enough of them are valid for Graham's name to officially grace the ballot.


An interesting tidbit about Graham's petition drive: His campaign submitted 22,786 signatures and only 12,891 were valid. He only needed 10,500. This is important because it shows how many signatures were bunk, and also because he was the first candidate to turn them in he gets to keep more than 2,000 valid signatures from his other three rivals trying to petition onto the ballot themselves. That's because two candidates can't count the same person's signature, and the the candidate who turns their petitions in first gets to claim that signature.


This year's U.S. Senate primary is distinct from years past because so many candidates are running, and doing it so differently.


Related: Why this big U.S. Senate race in Colorado is so unusual


Because Graham collected so many signatures, he's put some pressure on his three opponents, ex-state House Rep. Jon Keyser, Colorado Springs businessman Robert Blaha, or former Aurora City Councilman Ryan Frazier. Depending on how well their campaigns did in the petition drive process, either they could all end up on the ballot or not.


The Secretary of State's office is currently combing through their petitions to see if those candidates will qualify.


So what does this latest information mean for the race? It means there are two candidates who have shown they have competent campaigns and are telegraphing to Republican voters that they are the most well-positioned to take on a sitting incumbent U.S. Senator who has $7 million in the bank for an epic race this fall.


But even still, this race is very early yet.

420 In Denver where, what and how

thecherrycreeknews.com -


420 in Denver? While the unofficial cannabis holiday get underway, so does a host of bill and issues impacting marijuana's legality in Colorado. As tokers celebrate legal marijuana in Colorado, the state's legislature is retooling the legal framework for selling and… Continue Reading


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Littwin: Can Bernie Sanders still win the revolution if he can't win the race?

In New York, the city where some people actually do sleep, the 2016 campaign was re-awakened to some old realities - that momentum in politics is highly overrated and that it's demography (if not always democracy) that wins the day.


In this most strange of political seasons, this means that Hillary Clinton is all but a mathematical lock to win the Democratic nomination while Donald Trump will almost inevitably draw close to the magical 1,237 delegate count by the time Republicans gather in Cleveland for their national convention.


This also puts Bernie Sanders in a very difficult spot - how can he still claim to win the revolution at the same time he's losing the race? - and Republican #neverTrumpers in an impossible one.


So, yes, the numbers tell us one thing, but only one thing. They tell us who's winning, but they don't tell us how the races can end.


First, the Democrats. There was the expected cry from many corners for Sanders to give it up, saying that his campaign has gone from good-message territory to bad-loser territory and that Clinton's high unpopularity ratings are a function, at least to a degree, of the Sanders campaign successfully linking the “rigged” Democratic campaign to the “rigged” economy to a “rigged” world in which Clinton is as “rigged” as any of them.


In a normally weird year – say, like, 2008 – math overcomes all, the loser embraces the winner, and while the race continues, it continues without all the hard feelings.


My guess is that it will happen this year, too, but not yet. In an unexpected move, Sanders flew home to Vermont Tuesday night to, well, reassess. His immediate problem, other than the fact of his inability to win over minority voters, is that next week's map - Pennsylvania, Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware - looks a lot like the New York map, if you don't count all those tall buildings and the Naked Cowboy in Times Square. Assuming Bernie gets hit hard again, the math will grow only more problematic and the cries only louder.


In fact, his campaign was already reduced Tuesday night to outlining a path to victory that includes flipping those un-democratic superdelegates to his cause. The idea that Sanders would rely on the Democratic establishment to win is more than a little crazy, especially when you consider how it would actually have to work: Sanders would lose the pledged-delegate count, lose the popular vote and still be able to convince superdelegates like, say, John Hickenlooper and Michael Bennet to abandon Clinton and vote for him at the convention.


That's not going to happen. It would never happen. So what does happen? If I'm advising Bernie, he plays out the next week to see if the momentum can switch again and to see if the national polls, showing him closing in on Clinton, actually mean something. And if they don't - and they probably won't - Sanders should simply declare victory for his message and keep on the pressure to win the message race, but while reverting to the early-Bernie, no-personal-attacks mode.


It's one way to victory. If Bernie is to win the revolution, he needs a Democratic president willing to join him in the effort. In other words, in the most crass of political terms, he needs Hillary Clinton to owe him. That's what happened in 2008, when Obama would owe the Clintons, and Hillary would become his Secretary of State, which would lead her back to a path toward the White House. Bernie wants something less and something more. And pretending you're going to win a last-minute landslide in majority-minority California isn't going to get it. Democrats winning back the Senate and Sanders becoming chair of the Budget Committee might be a start, though.


Which brings us to Trump and where we are today - in which a highly unpopular Democrat would be taking on an improbably unpopular Republican in November. I don't pretend to understand how Trump could win 60 percent of the Republican vote in New York. Home-statism goes only so far as an explanation. Having Lyin' Ted and John Kasich as your remaining competitors offers up a little more. But, still, 60 percent is more than a rout, and with more routs expected next week, the Republican establishment doesn't know what to do.


If Trump comes to the convention with anything close to 1,200 delegates - even with as few as 1,150 - the #neverTrumpers can stop him only by getting to a second or third ballot and stealing his establishment-leaning delegates, who would then vote for the despicable Ted Cruz or for John Kasich (who has won only one state, his own) or for a white-knight alternative. We know what Trump would do. He'd threaten to sue somebody, and if that didn't work, he'd walk out, taking his Trumpists with him. The numbers guys will tell you that if Trump kept 5 or 10 percent of Republicans home, the Republicans would have no chance.


The problem for Republicans is that if Trump were to win, he would not only have no chance, but there's the real chance he could bring down the whole party structure around him.


So, do the #neverTrumpists do everything they can to destroy Trump before he can destroy the party? Or is there some point at which the Republican establishment reconciles itself to the fact that it is to blame for allowing Trump to reach this point, hope for the best and take solace - as some were doing Tuesday night - in his eight-minute victory speech Tuesday night in which he tried to act presidential by saying as few words as possible, because saying little is the best way for Trump to avoid insulting anyone.


As the long, long race continues, we could be seeing the start of a new, improved Trump slogan - pledging not only to make America great again, but to do it in under 10 minutes.


[Photo credit:Michael Vadon via Creative Commons on Flickr]

420 in Denver – All about Marijuana

North Denver News - The Voice for the New North Denver


420 in Denver? While the unofficial cannabis holiday get underway, so does a host of bill and issues impacting marijuana's legality in Colorado.


Sunset of Retail Marijuana Code

After two years the new retail laws went through a sunset review. Now a routine bill to implement various regulatory reform recommendations is starting to become anything but routine. These sunset/reauthorization bills sometimes become omnibus “Christmas trees” and pick up extraneous issues along the way (see e.g.anything in this list below). HB 1261 will be hotly lobbied all the way to the Governor's desk.




Edibles


Child safety proponents are pushing for a ban on infused marijuana products shaped like animals, humans or fruit, which they argue appeal to children. They have their sights set on gummy bears and similar candies, as HB 1436 rekindles the debate around marking edible products and whether and how to regulate the form they come in. Dixie Elixirs and similar infused beverages in multi-serving packages would be exempt from certain requirements under  HB 1427 if the packages are child-resistant, properly labeled and have dosing components to help consumers measure how much they're taking.



Potency




Efforts to limit allowable amounts of THC, the psychoactive cannabinoid in marijuana, were turned back on the House floor on Friday. There will be continuing debate on this topic.


Keeping Kids Safe

SB 80 poses interesting questions of security requirements for home grows. HB 1363 calls for rules to restrict marketing and advertising marijuana in a manner that appeals to children.


Pesticides 

The FY 2016-17 budget allocates $920,000 to the Dept of Agriculture to hire 10 new pesticide inspectors dedicated to the licensed marijuana industry. This is in addition to the 2 new positions created last year.  SB 15 requires the Dept to establish criteria for approving pesticides for use on marijuana and to publish an approved list. HB 1266 sets out the process for confiscating and destroying marijuana tainted with unapproved pesticides.


Certified Organic Cannabis

This bill will recognize certified organic cannabis and allow growers and dispensaries to produce and market marijuana that says this on the label. HB 1079 creates a standard for those in the industry to voluntarily meet if they wish to market their product as “organic cannabis.”


Business Model and Ownership

 SB 40 will be debated on the Senate floor sometime later this week. It opens marijuana businesses' access to investors and out-of-state ownership interests. Colorado's law will still be more restrictive than some other states, but it improves upon our current laws which put Colorado businesses at a disadvantage. HB 1041 repeals certain bonding requirements that were initially placed on new marijuana businesses. HB 1211 creates licenses to regulate independent businesses that transport marijuana products from cultivation to manufacturers or retailers.


Research and Monitoring

The Joint Budget Committee has approved the use of marijuana sales tax revenue to support the creation of an Institute for Cannabis Research at Colorado State University-Pueblo. The funds will support efforts to study and partner with agricultural, scientific and economic opportunities related to marijuana. We're also funding a new computer database system to aggregate and analyze data on marijuana impacts across multiple state agencies. We're clarifying and extending reporting requirements to make certain we track the impacts of marijuana legalization.


State Budget & Finance

Marijuana tax revenues helped balance the state budget this year. In 2015 we used approx. $30 million in General Fund dollars to prepare for the Proposition BB contingency. Voters were owed a tax refund unless they chose to forego it, which they did last November. In either case we had to set aside money to pay the refund or for the things Prop BB promised to voters. It totaled $58 million, but the General Fund loaned $30 million of that and a 5-year repayment plan was put into law. Marijuana is supposed to pay its own way and not be a drain on the General Fund. This year we  accelerated the remaining payments on the loan as marijuana revenues were going up while General Fund revenues were declining. The loan is now paid in full.



Marijuana Taxes: Prevention, Treatment, & More

The Marijuana Tax Cash Fund is projected to take in $84.9 million in revenue in Fiscal Year 2015-16. That amount will be available for appropriation in the upcoming budget year according to the policy the JBC established in  SB 14-215. It requires the money be spent a year in arrears to avoid errors in revenue forecasts and uncertainty in the political and legal environment for marijuana sales.


Here's a rough breakdown of where most of that $84.9 million will be spent in FY 2016-17 as appropriated through the Long Bill, other JBC bills and other legislation:

$16.5 million of the total will be spent on substance abuse treatment and related behavioral health services


  • this bill creates a $6 million per year program of intensive residential treatment through managed service organizations

  • co-occurring disorders of substance use and mental illness have $2.3 million

  • includes support for the supportive housing program at Ft. Lyon and the CIRCLE program at Pueblo


$10.4 million for youth services and grants to schools


  • youth mentoring groups and before and after school programs

  • Boys and Girls Clubs and programs at the State Fair

  • grants to schools include health professionals, bullying, drop-out prevention and support for the READ Act literacy program



$2.8 million for public health agencies and programs

$1.7 million for public safety and impaired driving programs


$4.4 million for research and data analysis


$14.2 million for marijuana education, prevention and public awareness campaigns



  • a new Trusted Adult campaign will help mentors and role models talk to kids about drugs and alcohol; it's getting $2.4 million

  • the Good to Know campaign has been well-received to help educate people about Colorado's new marijuana laws; it costs $4.6 million



$14.3 million for regulation, inspection and enforcement of marijuana laws


  • includes appropriations to the Dept of Agriculture for pesticide inspectors

  • also funding for laboratory equipment and certification

  • Marijuana Enforcement Division at the Dept of Revenue, $8 million

  • legal support and peace officer training through the Attorney General's Office and the Dept of Law


$18.2 million was used for the early pay-off of the Prop BB loan from the General Fund, which is in addition to the $6 million that was already to be this year's installment payment. Together this leaves lots of room in next year's allocations.




The post 420 in Denver – All about Marijuana was first published by North Denver News

Tuesday, April 19, 2016

No hot water for lobbyist Ben Waters after 'miscommunication'

Last week, Rep. Jon Becker, a Fort Morgan Republican, threatened lobbyist Ben Waters with an ethics complaint for lying about Gov. John Hickenlooper opposing a bill that would help remedy long-standing conservation easement problems.


This week Becker's saying he, Waters and the Governor's office met and the lobbyist's untrue claim about Hickenlooper was the result of a “miscommunication,” not a lie.


RELATED: Lobbyist Ben Waters may be in hot water for lying to lawmakers


The bill that led to the dispute was House Bill 16-1174, which would have allowed those fighting the Department of Revenue over disputed tax credits to take the Department to court without having to post bonds, sometimes in the millions of dollars.


Waters was working with the Colorado Coalition of Land Trusts, an industry group working against the bill.


The measure was killed by the Democratic-controlled House Appropriations Committee last Friday on a party-line 7-6 vote.


Waters had played a major role in rewriting the bill, but strongly opposed Becker's choice of a Senate sponsor.


Becker plans to bring another bill to the Statehouse on the issue before the end of the session, which is three weeks from Wednesday.


In a statement to The Independent, Waters said, “In the fourth quarter of any legislative session, passions run high, but I did not lie and am glad cooler heads prevailed. I will continue to strongly defend the work of the conservation community to keep Colorado the best place to live in America.


“Representative Becker is a strong advocate for rural Colorado and I look forward to working with the good state representative from Fort Morgan moving forward.”

TRUMP DELEGATES SHOULD SIGN A LOYALTY PLEDGE

thecherrycreeknews.com -


Expose the Trojan Horses By Roger Stone When I called for Trump supporters to button-hole so-called Trojan Horse Trump delegates in their convention hotels and engage in a dialog with them last week, all hell broke loose. CNN and Megyn Kelly both… Continue Reading


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